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My thanks to all of you for coming today; and my thanks, too, to those of you who came along to the EGM last night.

The grassroots are the backbone of the Ulster Unionist Party and I know that it hasn’t always been easy being a member of this party over the last ten years.

Membership is voluntary and it takes a certain type of person to raise the funds, knock the doors, keep the branches going and supply the footsoldiers at election after election. I thank them, and I thank you ladies and gentlemen, for keeping this party alive during the very darkest days.

I must pay tribute as well to our public representatives, at Westminster, Europe, Assembly and local council level. Again, because of reduced numbers, a large burden has been placed on their collective shoulders. I am grateful to them for their loyalty and commitment.

In particular, we owe a debt of gratitude to Sylvia Hermon who, along with her colleagues in the Lords, has continued to fly the flag for Ulster Unionism in Parliament against considerable personal and political odds.

And let me not forget our employees: those in HQ, in the Assembly and in our constituency offices. They tend to be forgotten on occasion, but they are often the unsung heroes of our party.

The UUP has weathered many storms since 1905. We created Northern Ireland and we have sustained Northern Ireland. We have never blinked first and we have never allowed the cause of the Union to go undefended.

My ambition, as Leader, is to ensure that our grassroots, our representatives and our staff, are bound together in a re-energized, re-invigorated party, which will see our collective efforts and renewed commitment rewarded with political success and electoral recovery.

DEL:

I am here today wearing two hats: that of Party Leader and that of Minister for Employment and Learning.

Given the subject matter of the excellent panel discussion we have just had, let me address my Departmental brief first and begin by asking you two questions:

Which part of the United Kingdom has had one of the fastest rates of output growth, manufacturing production growth, increase in exports and employment since 1990?

Which part of the United Kingdom now has an unemployment rate well below the national average and also well below that of such major European economies as France, Germany and Italy?

The answer, I am delighted to say, is Northern Ireland.

But that doesn’t mean that we don’t have problems.

Our average living standards remain about 80 per cent of the UK average and are not projected to change by much. An economic think tank recently pointed out that public spending actually contributed 70.5 % of the entire output of the Northern Ireland economy.

Of great concern, too, is the fact that, whereas in most Western economies 2-3 per cent of GDP is devoted to research and development activities, here, in Northern Ireland, the rate is barely 1 per cent.

That is a brief account of where we are at in economic terms. But I am pleased to say that my own Department (Employment and Learning) lies at the heart of the strategy directed at improving the longer term prospects both for the Northern Ireland economy and for all of our citizens.

The wealth and health of all, indeed.

As Minister I do want to see skills upgraded at all levels, because international experience indicates that it is on the quality of the workforce that regions and nations compete in the world’s market place.

Back in May I launched an investigation into the causes of the so-called brain drain. Too many talented people, particularly at age 18 or 21, leave our shores and too few return to bring us the benefits of their wider experience.

Since any society is best tested by the way in which it treats the most vulnerable, I have initiated an independent investigation into the way in which my Department handles the transition of young people with disabilities out of special schooling and into the work force.

Recognising the imperative to improve our game with regard to science and technology my Department will be grasping the opportunities created by the Innovation Fund which originated with the idea of the then Chancellor Gordon Brown back in November 2006.

I will continue to make it a personal as well as a political priority to deal with the scandal and, indeed, the human tragedy, that as many as one-quarter of adults in Northern Ireland do not have adequate ability in reading and counting.

The American politician Robert McNamara said, way back in the 1960s, “…some people look at the world and ask why? Other people look at what the world could be, and ask, why not?”

What I am aiming for is not easy; but it is important. I believe we can shift the emphasis of careers education, so that our young people and their parents may begin to value jobs and professions which very directly contribute to wealth creation.

I refuse to write-off vast tracts of our towns and cities and of our society; we can and should rebuild the culture which valued education and learning; the culture which characterised this city in its days of industrial greatness.

The Northern Ireland economy has plenty of critics. But I reject those Irish republicans and left wing English commentators in particular, who argue that we are some sort of failed entity kept alive only by the generosity of the London Exchequer.

The reality is that a terrorist campaign and political instability prevented Northern Ireland from performing as well as I know that it can perform.

Yet, that said, it does no good to pretend we are world class when we are not! Still, Harold Wilson and (more recently) Peter Hain were wrong to imply we were some sort of spongers.

All that we are asking for is a business tax regime which gives us a chance to compete (and this isn’t just about Corporation Tax alone, but fuel duties relative to the Republic—and recent events have emphasized again the tragic consequences associated with cross-border smuggling).

Incidentally, whilst I have been a longstanding supporter of co-operation between Northern Ireland and the Republic when it is truly to our mutual benefit—and also subject to democratic accountability—we will not gain prosperity by losing our political or economic identity.

In 1999 the Ulster Unionist Party opposed the introduction of a single industrial development agency; the arguments against it remain overwhelming.

I would also say that if you wish the local economy to become more dynamic and entrepreneurial, then it is perverse to load ever more taxes on families and property owners. Our message to Treasury, to adapt Churchill’s wartime rallying cry, is “give us the fiscal tools and we will finish the job”.

There is, as we are well aware, a significant connection between the political environment of a country and its economic conditions and prospects.

By making Northern Ireland more stable, we are contributing to making more prosperity possible.

So it is a good sign in many ways that so many people are visiting our shores as tourists or as migrant workers.

An abundance of international surveys show that global business prefers peaceful locations, as well as countries with uncorrupt and transparent systems of government.

This is just one more reason why our new Executive and Assembly needs to make every effort to ensure that, like Caesar’s wife, it is truly beyond reproach as to the manner of its decision making. Government, here, at every level, must be clean, transparent and uncorrupted by the activities of former terrorists.

The Party:

The Ulster Unionist Party has committed itself to a political and policy process which allows Northern Ireland to complete the transition to “normal” politics.

As a Minister I want to play a part in making Northern Ireland a regional leader in the knowledge-based economy of the 21st century.

As Party Leader I want the Ulster Unionist Party to engage with like-minded allies in Great Britain to promote a pan-UK vision which endorses the over-arching benefits of a United Kingdom as the best framework in which to nurture the benefits available from devolution.

But that promotion shouldn’t be confined within the borders of the United Kingdom alone. The Ulster Unionist Party is the only mainstream pro-Union party with representation in the European Parliament.

I would be keen for this party to co-operate with others in that Parliament to ensure that the fundamental and historic rights of the United Kingdom and its constituent parts are protected and promoted. We are not opposed to a Europe of nations. But we are opposed to a European nation state which undermines the constitutional integrity and political identity of the United Kingdom.

A form or spirit of devolution which encourages “ourselves alone”, or is exploited by proponents of Scottish, Welsh or little-Ulster nationalism, is a form of devolution which will undo the constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom.

The Ulster Unionist Party is, first and foremost, a party of the Union and a champion of the United Kingdom. On that basis, we seek to build a Northern Ireland which will be valued as an economic asset to the United Kingdom as a whole; and valued as an upholder of the Union which has been of such huge benefit to all of the people in the United Kingdom.

Now then, let me turn to other matters.

For some time now the DUP has been demanding the credit for every positive development in Northern Ireland. You name it and they claim the praise for it. You point to it and they will say that it’s their doing.

The efforts of the Ulster Unionist Party—along with those of other parties, governments and individuals—have been airbrushed out of the shiny new history prepared by the DUP.

Ladies and gentlemen, I am sick to the back teeth of the DUP’s orgy of self-praise and self-promotion.

A cheap tin badge with “getting it right” stamped on it, isn’t half as valuable as having had the courage and the foresight to getting it started in the first place!

Boasting about a “fair deal” or a “better deal” doesn’t take the same degree of political skill as being able to say that you delivered the deal in the first place!

And, let’s face it, the sight of Peter Robinson leapfrogging from the front bench to the back bench in order to put the boot into Margaret Ritchie, makes a total mockery of the claim that the DUP had put accountability at the heart of the system.

Insisting that you have “smashed” Sinn Fein and put it in its place, looks like a joke when the reality is that the new deal consisted of a carve-up of office and a ganging-up against the smaller parties.

Indeed, I was surprised that the forthcoming legislative programme didn’t contain an UN-Civil Partnership Bill to formalise the new relationship between the DUP and Sinn Fein.

The truth of the matter is simple: Had we accepted the DUP’s advice, predictions and judgment calls in 1997/98, there wouldn’t be an Assembly today.

They got it wrong on just about everything. Sinn Fein would never accept a return to Stormont; or a partitionist settlement; or recognise the legitimacy of the police and justice system. Wrong, wrong and wrong again.

And, as I mentioned Sinn Fein, let us remember that they have been forced to accept the reality that their former “ballot box and armalite” strategy was not going to work. And let us also remember that it was pressure from this party—often acting alone—which forced them to confront that reality.

But however much we may knock the DUP and raise questions about their opportunism, hypocrisy and u-turns: nor however much we say that we took the risks and did the heavy lifting; we cannot deny the fact that they have gained ground at our expense.

But let me say this to you, ladies and gentlemen; and say it to you clearly and unambiguously:

We, the Ulster Unionist Party, helped the DUP into their current position.

Our internal war was a gift to them.

Our public spats were a gift to them.

Our seeming inability to run a coherent campaign was a gift to them.

Ladies and gentlemen—Those days are over.

At our EGM last night we took the first major step to sorting out our internal and organisational inadequacies.

No-one should underestimate the importance of these reforms. Every aspect of how we do our business has been held up to scrutiny and where it has been found wanting, we are changing it.

We are better placed now than we have been for a generation to present ourselves to the electorate as a party once again deserving of support.

Northern Ireland has changed over this past decade and it has changed for the better.

The Ulster Unionist Party has been a key factor in promoting and securing that change.

But as ever, there is more to be done.

We have to prove to the electorate, the media and even ourselves that we, as a party, have also changed and changed for the better.

We have to ensure that this party is, once again, returned to the very heart of political, electoral and civic life in Northern Ireland.

We have to focus on the sort of policies which will appeal to those who don’t vote; as well as to those who will be coming onto the register for the first time.

And yes—we have to win back those voters who left us for the DUP or Alliance.

That doesn’t mean trying to outflank the DUP on the right or Alliance on the left. It means replanting our banner and our values upon the very centre ground and setting out the vision we have for a Northern Ireland at peace with itself.

Events of the past few days have proved that the shadow of the gunman still hovers across our fledgling institutions. There is still far too much paramilitary, crypto-paramilitary and criminal activity for us to pretend that we are yet a truly peaceful society.

We are on the road to normality, but haven’t yet reached that destination. The job we began in the mid-1990s—that of getting all of the organisations to decommission and embrace politics—is still ongoing. As ever, though, we will continue to exert every influence we can. There can never ever be an “acceptable level of violence.”

I accept that the IRA has changed in the last few years. But rather than believing that it has gone away entirely, I suspect that it may actually be in a form of suspended animation—a hibernation, if you like. But the “potential” of the IRA still exists; and it will exist for so long as the IRA itself exists.

The IRA needs to disappear all together. Disband. Dismantle all of its structures. That, and that alone, would be the clearest possible sign to unionism that we really are living in a new political dispensation.

The “Argument” over the Executive Minutes, the Causeway Saga and the ongoing hoo-ha over a stadium at the Maze, suggests that there is a very important case to be made for the electorate to have a real and credible alternative at election time to the Sinn Fein-DUP coalition.

And I am delighted, by the way, to welcome Margaret Ritchie, Minister for Social Development, to our conference later today.

Unlike the DUP we have never wanted office for the mere sake of it.

Unlike Sinn Fein we do not want office to sustain the pretence that we can pursue a unilateral agenda.

We have always wanted a form of devolution which is genuinely better than Direct Rule. Mandatory coalition is an alternative to direct rule—but it is no more than that.

Genuinely better means that there has to be proper scrutiny and accountability. And it also means that the electorate has to have a real choice between an outgoing administration and an alternative incoming one.

Ladies and gentlemen, let me assure you on one thing: This party will not shy away from taking any decision, inside or outside the Assembly, which we believe is ultimately in the best interests of the electorate and of democracy.

Northern Ireland has changed. It will continue to change.

The Ulster Unionist Party has to show that it recognises those changes and show, too, that we have adapted ourselves to new realities.

I believe that there is a huge market out there for an Ulster Unionist Party which proves that it is an effective party with relevant policies.

I believe that there is a huge market out there for an Ulster Unionist Party which has a clear identity, purpose and vision.

I believe that there is a huge market out there for an Ulster Unionist Party which champions the values of an inclusive, caring, thoughtful socio-economic agenda.

I believe that there is a huge market out there for an Ulster Unionist Party which rejects the cynicism, opportunism and self-importance of the DUP.

Let’s face it; the DUP’s idea of choice is Ian Paisley as leader or Ian Paisley Jnr as leader!

There is an overwhelmingly powerful argument to be made in favour of the Union. Whether it be in terms of education, employment opportunities, welfare provision, housing, business, individual freedoms, the economy—the list goes on and on.

Northern Ireland and every one of its inhabitants benefits from the Union. We are citizens of one of the most important countries in the world. We have a range and scale of opportunities and possibilities which would not exist in any other constitutional alternative.

The Ulster Unionist Party is the only party in Northern Ireland which is an unambiguous and unashamed promoter of the Union as a whole; as opposed to the parts that happen to suit us.

The Ulster Unionist Party will continue to champion the Union and the United Kingdom; and within this new devolutionary settlement we will promote policies which enhance our relationship rather than distance us.

We are not Irish Nationalists. And we are not little-Ulster nationalists, either!

This party is ready for a fight-back and a recovery.

You, ladies and gentlemen, are ready for that fight-back.

I am ready for that fight-back.

So, when we leave this conference today, let one simple, united message go out:

The Ulster Unionist Party is back,

Back in business

And here to stay.

Thank you.

It’s a real pleasure to be addressing an EGM which has been summoned for a positive purpose rather than for a showdown.

Tonight is about the way ahead.

This is a very important meeting for our party—arguably one of the most important in our history.

It’s about rebuilding ourselves as a party and then replanting ourselves at the very centre of everyday life in Northern Ireland.

It’s about laying down the foundations upon which we will prepare ourselves for the new challenges which face us in these early years of our second century.

Reform has been talked about for years. Reform has been sidelined for years.

But one thing is clear: we really do have to reform.

Election results, media coverage, internal weaknesses and difficulties all tell the same story: as a party we have been getting a lot of things wrong.

As Leader, I am determined that the primary contribution I make to this party—although hopefully not the only contribution—is to push through the reform that we have needed for decades.

I am determined to leave this party in a better shape than I inherited it.

At our AGM in April, delegates unanimously endorsed a resolution committing us to that reform: and instructing me, as party leader, in conjunction with the Executive Committee, to urgently review and bring forward proposals.

Part of that resolution stated that the UUC “Determines that it must now become a modern political party, organised, financed and represented in a manner that again attracts the maximum of electoral support.”

To assist me in what I knew would be a massive task I sought the help of four convenors—David Campbell, Danny Kingahan, Terry Wright and Alex Kane—and issued a series of invitations to other party members to join them on four review committees.

They were tasked with looking at the specific areas of finance, constituency organisation, communications and the party constitution.

We have made every effort to reach as many members—particularly UUC delegates—as possible. There have been two rounds of roadshows, in Banbridge, Omagh, Coleraine, Belfast, Armagh and Enniskillen. There have been meetings in every association. There have been special meetings of the officers and the executive committee. Tonight’s meeting is the culmination of that consultation process.

I am grateful to the convenors and the committee members for all the help they have given. And I am grateful to all of those members and delegates who turned up or found other ways of making an input.

I also want to place on record my own thanks—and those of the convenors—to Mark Neale, who has acted as Secretary to the Review. As well as fronting many of the roadshows, he has also been responsible for bringing together all of the material from the various committees

Tonight, I am asking you to ratify and adopt the new Party Rules attached at appendix A; and to endorse the actions and recommendations outlined in appendix B.

Any changes we claim to have made will be utterly meaningless if the electorate in general, and our members and supporters in particular, don’t see evidence of change; evidence of new thinking; evidence of a renewed presence on the ground; and evidence of an effective performance in the Assembly and its committees, in council chambers and in the media.

We have to prove that we are aware of old failings, confident of our underlying virtues, and ready to put things right.

Let me say, too, that these changes will be utterly meaningless if we don’t have discipline in this party.

And the best type of discipline is self-discipline.

The primary task of members of this party—be they ordinary members or elected representatives—is the promotion of the party and the promotion of party policy.

Not the promotion of themselves and their own agenda.

Now, I know that some of you believe that we haven’t yet gone far enough or been radical enough. But this process is ongoing.

There will be more lessons to learn and fine tuning will be required.

But what matters most tonight is that the changes we are recommending are more significant, wide-ranging and sweeping than they may seem on paper. If we get these first stages right and put in place, then the Executive can continue to build and improve as and when necessary.

Regarding finance, we have to live within our means, use our money wisely, not place too heavy a burden on our associations and keep loans and overdrafts to a very bare minimum. But we also have to raise money. Politics is an expensive business.

I know that concerns have been raised about how we handled our financial affairs in the past; and I know, too, that members have worried that quotas—difficult to raise in their own right—haven’t been used to best effect. The Finance Committee has addressed many of these concerns and set out a series of recommendations.

In terms of constituency organisation we have to be seen as an on-the-ground, relevant and active party. Branch and association members are the front-line troops of this party and it is essential that we mobilise and deploy them to best effect.

Also, our internal and external communications haven’t been as effective as they should be or need to be. We will have an uphill task to get the media to take an interest in us again; but it is a task we must set ourselves to.

Just as important is the need to improve the communication structures between the centre and the grassroots; and between the various official bodies and representative groups within the party. We cannot continue with a culture in which are own members believed they were being kept in the dark.

You will note, too, that the rule book has been severely pruned. It is now a more manageable and more comprehendible guide to running our affairs.

The Convenors of the PR/Media and Constituency committees have put together a package of recommendations to address a wide array of problems and those packages will—and quickly—be brought before the Executive Committee for approval and adoption.

I know, too, that there are concerns about selection.

Let me say this to you: If we go into an Assembly, council or general election with a slate of candidates which is overwhelmingly male and overwhelmingly middle-aged, we will have no mission of attracting new or returning voters. We will, in fact and in effect, have made ourselves a very poor choice for women and younger voters.

During the course of the most recent round of consultations, but subsequent to the special Executive on October 6th, a number of issues of concern to members and officers have been aired. The officers met on Wednesday to consider these and decided that they merited further discussion and investigation.

The officers unanimously decided that these issues should be remitted to the Executive for in-depth discussion and resolution.

One of the issues was raised recently by colleagues in Fermanagh/South Tyrone, concerning representation of constituencies on the Executive. The Association feels that there should be a relationship between the memberships of a constituency association and the representation on the Executive.

Another matter was concerns expressed by the UYUC about the method to be adopted for the appointment of a Youth Development Officer. The UYUC feels that they should select this officer in a similar way to the appointment of the Councillor’s Association’s representative on the officer team.

I agree that this matter needs further consideration, and if remitted back, I would be supportive of the matter being resolved by reference to the qualifications for a Youth Officer being defined in Standing Orders to the mutual satisfaction of both the UYUC and the Executive.

A similar discussion may be necessary with regards to concerns expressed by the UWUC. Furthermore, as representative bodies, the UYUC and UWUC must be fully integrated and involved at all levels within the party.

To ensure this is achieved I think it is timely to review all these matters urgently, and I will bring a proposal to this effect to the Executive.

The officers also identified a small number of alterations that should be made with regard to definitions: and rather than try and bring amendments on the hoof of this meeting, they feel that these should also be discussed at the Executive.

You may well ask that, if further amendments are required, how will they be dealt with? The officers feel that as we work our way through the standing orders in the next few months, other issues could arise. Consequently, a further opportunity will present itself at the AGM in March to bring forward any tidying up amendments that are deemed necessary.

This method would be in stark contrast to our attempts to deal with amendments at our last, yet unsuccessful, attempt at change in the Europa Hotel in early 2006!

Other issues have been raised over the past six months and I know that some of you were keen to table amendments tonight.

Ladies and gentlemen, the decision not to take amendments is a decision I support. We would have ended up with a never-ending series of speeches and votes and few of us would have been any the wiser at the end of the night.

There are issues which will require serious and detailed debate; but that debate can be held within the confines of the Executive Committee, when there will be the time we need.

Colleagues, we have to demand more of ourselves. We, members and representatives, are the public face of the Ulster Unionist Party. If we, ourselves, can’t convince the electorate and the media that we have changed and that we are serious about our own survival and revival, then nobody else will do it for us.

What I am asking you to endorse tonight is not a panacea for all our problems. There is no miracle cure; no instant recovery tomorrow morning. We will still face a daunting and uphill task.

But it is worth doing. The legacy of this party is one of which we should all be proud. We have weathered many storms and faced down many opponents. But we are still here. We are still standing.

And remember this: even with all of our problems in the past ten years in particular, we still managed to deliver a settlement for Northern Ireland which is now accepted by 95% of unionism.

That’s no mean achievement: and we shouldn’t sit back and allow others to take the credit when they themselves did every thing they could to destroy us.

Reform alone isn’t enough. Reorganisation alone isn’t enough. Better communications isn’t enough. A smaller rule book isn’t enough. Financial stability isn’t enough. A wider array of candidates isn’t enough.

Yes, the collective impact of all of these changes will make a difference and it is important that we do things differently and do them better.

But what matters most is that we—as a party—believe in ourselves and are seen to believe in ourselves.

The root of all of this must be confidence in ourselves; confidence in our abilities and confidence in the role that we, and we alone, can play in Northern Ireland.

The message I want to send out tonight—and I want it to be unanimous—is that the Ulster Unionist Party is once again fit for purpose and deserving of votes.

And I promise you this: when we send out that message it will be accompanied by hard evidence of change.

Ladies and Gentlemen: the Ulster Unionist Party is back; back in business; and back to stay.

Thank you.

Ulster Unionist Party Leader and East Belfast MLA Sir Reg Empey today expressed his delight that the Connswater Community Greenway has made the final round for the lottery’s Living Landmarks Fund. The project could receive £23 Million to transform the banks of the Connswater River into what Sir Reg has described as a mini-Laganside.

In a statement Sir Reg said,

“I am delighted that the Connswater Community Greenway has made the final round and is in the running to receive £23 Million. This is a project that I have been involved in championing since its inception a couple of years ago.

I have long been saying that we can do much better than the stinking mess that the Connswater River currently is.

At present it is full of junk, shopping trolleys and in the summer it stinks to high heaven. The River, thanks to the vision of the Greenway project, now stands on the cusp of a major transformation. I am delighted too that the National Lottery Heritage Fund can see the benefits of the Greenway case and will progress things to the next level.

I would like congratulate the staff at the project and all of those involved at local community group level who have given their time and support to this worthwhile bid.”

Ulster Unionist Leader Sir Reg Empey has appointed Robin Swann senior member of North Antrim’s management committee as a party spokesperson on the Social Economy, Energy and Consumer affairs.

In a statement Mr Swann outlined his priorities in the policy areas he will be covering,

“With regards to Energy and coming from a farming background I know that ‘Renewable energies’ will become more and more significant to the Northern Ireland economy.

On the Social Economy remit having served as President of the Young Farmers Clubs, sitting as a director of Rural Support and as Vice-chairman of Rural Youth Europe, I have always been a strong supporter of the voluntary sector and their contribution to the social fabric of Northern Ireland.

On Consumer Affairs, I would be looking at the scope of Trading Standards, especially with the large amount of counterfeit goods around and analysing the work of Trading Standards/Consumer Council.”

Speaking to the North Lurgan Branch of Upper Bann UUP tonight, a sceptical UUP Leader Sir Reg Empey said he would approach talks with the DUP in good faith but cast doubt over the merits of the UUP subsuming into the DUP.

Sir Reg said,

“Eoghan Harris raised a few eyebrows at the Reform Club last Friday, when he argued in favour of a merger between the UUP and DUP.

Never let it be said that the UUP expects our guests to toe the line and say only what we want to hear!

But he did raise some points that need to be addressed.

The timing of the invitation from Nigel Dodd’s to the UUP’s Officers, for talks with the DUP (an invitation that Eoghan regarded as an encouraging development) was interesting:

It came late on that Friday afternoon, when it was becoming clear that there could be a major difficulty for Dr. Paisley at that night’s meeting of his free Presbyterian ruling council.

It came on the same day that rumours were circulating that Jim Allister and others were preparing to set up a vehicle for disaffected DUP members and supporters.

The news of the invitation was released to the media before I had time to read it.

And let us not forget that the DUP knows that this party is in the final stages of an internal review and reform exercise. I had to bear in mind that they were possibly throwing a spanner into our works, holding out the prospect of accommodation and pact at the very time we were preparing to re-launch ourselves.

But taking all of that into consideration, the leadership team of the Ulster Unionist Party decided to test the bona fides of the DUP and what they had to offer for unionism and the Union. But let no-one kid themselves that this is some sort of launching pad for unionist unity at this stage.

The previous and best time for unionist co-operation was in the 1996-1998 period, when the Belfast Agreement was being negotiated. It would have been so much better had the DUP stayed on board at that stage – particularly in light of the fact that they are more or less in precisely the position that the UUP negotiated almost alone. I heard no talk of pacts and co-operation in March of this year, when the DUPs only agenda seemed to be the destruction of Ulster Unionists and the accommodation of Sinn Fein.

So it is tempting to draw the conclusion that the DUP – which has quite a few problems on its plate at the moment – regards inter-unionist co-operation now as a means to a particular end; namely entrenching its own dominance at our expense.

It is interesting too to note the receptive noises of Jeffrey Donaldson, one of the people responsible for so much internal damage to the UUP!

As Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, I need to bear in mind also that there tens of thousands within the pro-Union community who never have, or maybe never will, vote for the DUP.

Politics is about choice. It’s about reaching out to voters who haven’t been and probably can’t be won over by your opponents.

It needs to be remembered that a single Unionist Party, or permanent coalition, shuts off for ever the opposition option in the Assembly. Accountability, scrutiny, transparency, opposition and real choices at elections are the cornerstones of a democratic government.

There are now, and will be again, occasions when some practical on-the-ground co-operation between the pro-Union parties could assist in the winning of extra votes and seats.

As Party Leader I have to be careful in the choices I advocate for my colleagues, members and voters. I have to ensure that some sort of pact doesn’t, in reality, do more damage to the UUP and to unionism.

We will approach discussions with the DUP in good faith to see if we can end the lack of representation in Parliament that so many people in Northern Ireland have to endure. How can it be of benefit to stay away from the Parliament that votes vast sums of money for us to spend in Northern Ireland. Yet this is what Sinn Fein and shortly to arrive Fianna Fail intend for the people.

If there is a realistic possibility of helping any electors in Northern Ireland achieve representation, then Ulster Unionists will take seriously a proposal that could bring about change.”

Marking the 95th anniversary of the signing of the Ulster Covenant on 28th September 1912, Ulster Unionist Party Leader Sir Reg Empey MLA has called for 21st century unionism to reconnect with the Covenant’s bold and generous vision of the Union.

Sir Reg said, “today we commemorate a defining moment in the history of the British Isles, when ordinary people declared that they would not stand aside and allow Parliament to deprive them of their rights as citizens. At the heart of the Ulster Covenant was a determination that ‘our cherished position of equal citizenship in the United Kingdom’ would be maintained for all people in this part of the Kingdom.

At a time when some parties of the right across Europe were speaking the language of aggressive, chauvinistic nationalism and parties of the left were preaching class war, the Ulster Covenant spoke of different and better values – of securing equal citizenship within the constitution of the United Kingdom. Here was an inclusive, pluralist understanding of what it was to be a citizen of the United Kingdom, in which both the material well-being and the civil and religious freedoms of all were protected.

Almost a century later, this must again be the unionist vision. Our commitment to the Union is not based on ancient hatreds or a narrow nationalism. It flows from our belief that if Northern Ireland is to flourish as a community, then it must be a community in which opportunities for all are promoted and the rights of all protected.

In the Ulster Covenant, unionism has been given a founding charter of which to be immensely proud. Unionism must now reconnect with the Ulster Covenant’s values, to inspire a new generation in the 21st century to promote the Covenant’s bold and generous vision of the Union”.

Ulster Unionist Party Leader Sir Reg Empey said the Secretary of State’ comments on the need for a speedy resolution to the question of devolving policing and justice and that people couldn’t take an ‘a la carte’ approach to the St. Andrews Agreement were worthless.

Sir Reg said it was ridiculous to expect parties to be behoven to an entire agreement when they were not privy, nor asked for their opinion on the agreement in its entirety.

In a statement Sir Reg said,

“The Secretary of State appears to be in a hurry to force the devolution of policing and justice on the people of Northern Ireland, presumably to a timetable agreed between the DUP and Sinn Fein in St. Andrews. He invoked that people could not take an a la carte approach to the St Andrews Agreement.

I have to say the Ulster Unionist Party is not behoven to the St Andrews Agreement. To go a la carte requires a detailed knowledge of your choices on the menu. There have been many surprise announcements emanating from St Andrews that many of the parties had no knowledge of.

We were not consulted on a timetable for the Devolution of Policing and Justice. In present circumstances we would only consider it when there was sufficient public confidence for it to happen.

There is no current appetite nor confidence for the devolution of policing and justice to take place. It is too soon and any attempt to force it through could destabilise the Assembly. Taken with the recent announcement that Fianna Fail is seeking to organise in Northern Ireland, it is not inconceivable that a Fianna Fail Minister could end up in charge. This would give Unionists further reason to reconsider any moves to devolve Policing and Justice.”

Ulster Unionist Party Leader Sir Reg Empey called on the DUP to ‘wake up’ to tentative moves by Fianna Fail to organise in Northern Ireland after Dermot Ahern appeared on a television debate yesterday evening on the issue.

Sir Reg said the move was an attempt to by-pass the settled issue of sovereignty enshrined in the Agreement and would ‘re-constitutionalise’ political debate in Northern Ireland at a time when the new power sharing government was just beginning to bed down.

In a statement Sir Reg said,

“I am alarmed at the complacent attitude of the DUP to this move. I find it incredible that they appear to be so relaxed and un-enthused at the prospect of a major Irish Republican Party seeking to organise in Northern Ireland.

The move in itself may indeed fragment the nationalist vote but they are missing a fundamental point if this is all they have to comment on the move.

The Ulster Unionist Party has been calling for the normalisation of politics in Northern Ireland. We want a transition to dealing with the normality of life here and the concentration on our social and economic policies. With the return of Stormont the door has opened once again to achieving this progress to normality. The constitutional question has been settled and dealt with.

Now the prospect of Fianna Fail Ministers being in both the NI Executive and the Dublin Government could put unbearable strain on the political process before it has had a chance to settle down and re-open the tired old constitutional debate.

There are no clear benefits to the people of Northern Ireland - who want pressing issues dealt with like education, health, the economy and the environment, to name but four - to see nationalist and republican politicians shifting their focus to old constitutional quarrels, which are already settled, in an effort to out green each other. It is like having a debate about how to build a castle in the sky.

The people of Northern Ireland have only just got their devolved institutions back, this move is ill-timed, ill-advised and seeks to by-pass settled sovereignty matters. I am urging the DUP to wake up to this issue, which of detriment to the political process, and join with us in opposing it.”

In a statement Sir Reg said,

“The Ulster Unionist Party has been calling for the normalisation of politics in Northern Ireland. We want a transition to dealing with the normality of life here and the concentration on our social and economic policies. With the return of Stormont the door has opened once again to achieving this progress to normality.

Hardly has this been achieved but Bertie Ahern and Finna Fail throw a grenade into the middle of Northern Ireland politics by announcing their decision to organise here and fight some elections.

The last thing we need is another abstentionist party organising here. Bertie Ahern at a stroke has transformed himself from a potential partner in the process of normalisation, to a rival.

The prospect of Fianna Fail Ministers being in both the NI Executive and the Dublin Government could put unbearable strain on the political process before it has had a chance to settle down. A most unwise and unhelpful decision from Bertie Ahern. It will fuel demands from unionists to seek further links with mainland parties as a counterbalance to the Fianna Fail move.

At a time when all our energies are directed at achieving stability, we are having instability injected by one of the two governments that pushed agreement as the way forward.

It seems clear that the hugs and the handshakes between Ian Paisley and Bertie Ahern have been interpreted as weakness by Irish Nationalism not as a gesture of friendship. Was Ian Paisley made aware of this move by his friend the Irish Prime Minister”

UUP Leader Sir Reg Empey today appointed Paula Bradshaw as the Party’s spokesman on Urban regeneration.

Paula is the Director of the Greater Village Regeneration Trust which deals specifically with urban regeneration in the Village area of South Belfast.

In a statement Sir Reg said,

“Urban regeneration is a policy that is not only close to my own heart as an MLA for East Belfast, but of vital importance to the future prosperity, stability and well being of Northern Ireland as a whole. Tackling the massive difficulties faced by our urban areas is a tremendous challenge but not one the UUP is prepared to shy away from. Unlike previous direct rule governments, we will not pay lip service to it or brush it under the carpet.

Paula brings a wealth of experience to the role as an expert and an instigator of meaningful, sustainable and long term positive changes to urban regeneration in the Village area. I have every faith that her experience will be of benefit to other parts of Northern Ireland.

Paula Bradshaw added,

“The need for an urgent sustainable and workable urban regeneration strategy is the unfortunate result of over 30 years of systematic neglect by successive governments. Urban regeneration is not simply about attracting inward investment. It also covers the provision of decent social housing, improving education, tackling health problems and dealing with the overall urban environment.

In my experience there are no quick-fix solutions and it will take time and a great deal of government commitment and resources to begin to turn-around the problem. I intend to use my role to bring urban regeneration policies and initiatives to the attention of our key local decision makers and our media, but above all I want to ensure that the successful on-going work that the Greater Village Regeneration Trust has been engaged in can be tailored and translated to other urban areas across Northern Ireland. I look forward to meeting the challenges ahead of me.”