Posts filed under 'Thinking Aloud (Articles)'
‘There are ongoing reports that some DUP Ministers have already decided to ‘dump’ the Maze Stadium project. I cannot confirm this. I do know, however, that the issue has been a source of internal dispute within the DUP since at least June 23 last year: when Edwin Poots and Ian Paisley both voiced public support for the idea, while Nigel Dodds, Sammy Wilson and Gregory Campbell voiced public opposition. A very early sign, as it turns out, that the internal discipline exercised by the DUP during the opposition years, wasn’t going to hold when they became a party of government…
Continue Reading E-mail March 12th, 2008
Alex Benjamin
Expenses
One of the consequences of the return of “normal politics” was that the media and general public would begin to look at the broader picture of how government operates, what legislation is introduced and how the elected representatives themselves perform. So it is not entirely unexpected—particularly in light of the debate that has been raging across the rest of the United Kingdom—that the issue of salaries and expenses is now in the spotlight.
We should never forget the fact, however, that for decades, political representation in Northern Ireland required great personal courage. To be a councillor or an MP (or an Assembly Member in 1972-75 or 1982-86) was to expose oneself to the genuine risk of violence or even death.
Back-up and support for representatives most often came from family members; because it became a trust thing.
And let me be frank about it. The Union would not have survived had it not been for the courage of those representatives who were willing to stand up and be counted; who were willing to put their heads above the parapet and take a public stand on our behalf.
And through it all they were helped by family members manning the home phones and providing other forms of support. Most of the constituency work had to be done from home or from fortified offices in “safe” areas.
Unsurprisingly, that culture has lingered on since 1998. We never knew from month to month if the Assembly would survive. People still opted out of politics as a profession because they weren’t sure how long the job would last.
Many MLAs, across all of the parties, have continued to pick key staff from within their immediate family or from the wider family within their party. That is understandable in our fledgling structures.
But it is also understandable, again given the stories in the wider UK media, that the general public may regard it as some sort of gravy train.
I agree that we have to have greater transparency; part of which could embrace a register in which all staff is listed, along with any family and party connections.
But let’s not pretend that MLAs or MPs can simply advertise for staff in a newspaper. It’s not that simple. They need people they can trust. They need people who are broadly sympathetic to the views of the party they represent. They need staff that can be trusted by the constituents who come into the constituency offices. They need staff that can be trusted by their colleagues in the Assembly. Political representation is like no other job; and employment requirements for their staff cannot be the same as those for most other jobs.
There are serious issues to be addressed here and I believe that the Assembly itself should address them—openly and honestly. Political parties in Northern Ireland are having to come to terms with a new way of doing business—and most of us are doing our best to adjust.
But I won’t take a lecture from Sinn Fein on this matter, while they try and pretend that they are on a higher moral plain than the rest of us. They may limit their collective salaries to £21,000, but they divert the rest of the money into their central coffers. In effect, they are using public money to fund and subsidise their party. Furthermore the track record of the republican movement, for example the Northern Bank robbery, illustrate their hypocrisy.
Salaries
The public are also rightly concerned about the proposed increase of pay for Assembly members. The basic wage is already considerably higher than that of the average wage in NI. Add on the extra pay for a variety of committee posts, the subsidised canteens and the generous mileage allowance and MLAS are adequately paid.
The rumour of a 16% increase is highly unlikely to be accepted in the life time of this Assembly.
In a recent letter to the Prime Minister I have set out my concerns about the damage being done to the reputation of politicians and political institutions by inflated salaries and expense claims; and by the fact that we are seen to be our own paymasters. I have urged him to consider an alternative which covers all of the devolved bodies across the UK, along with Parliament itself. For we really must move away from a system that allows MPs and MLAs etc to set their own salaries while, at the same time, imposing restrictions on the salaries of those in the public sector.
But it does have to be remembered that if we want to attract quality people into political careers then we have to match the salaries they could get in those other careers. But in return for that salary we have to ensure that the level of representation is of the highest standard.
Every aspect of income and expenditure must be transparent. The public has a right to know the employment and educational backgrounds of their elected representatives. They have a right to be made aware of how they perform their duties as a public representative. Government is very fond of laying down rules for others. We must expect to be examined as well.
Policing and Justice
Irrespective of the findings of the latest NIO poll, I detect very little evidence within unionist circles of support for the devolution of these powers, either now or in the near future. Many believe (including, I suspect, a clear majority of the DUP’s own MLAs and members) that it would be a step too far and too soon.
We are still at the settling in stage of this present Assembly and it has become increasingly clear that there are teething problems. The devolution of policing and justice, which would involve some very controversial matters, could easily overload the structures. It would certainly put a huge strain on the relationship between the DUP and Sinn Fein.
There is, too, an economic consequence of devolving those powers. We do not know the outcome of a whole series of enquiries, and the possible legal and financial consequences thereof. We do know, however, that they would have to be met from the cash allocation that accompanies the devolution. Which could mean that any unanticipated drain upon that allocation would have to be met by reducing PSNI manpower and services.
The other point to remember is that with the ongoing activities of the Historical Enquiries Team, the Consultation Group on the Past, the Victims’ Commission and possibly even a Truth and Reconciliation Body et al, there are some very difficult questions to be addressed and answered. And there will be matters which will strike very close to home for at least one party on the Executive Committee.
It would be advisable, therefore, to continue with some sort of “neutrality” on policing and justice matters for the time being; particularly in the event that evidence is unearthed which points the finger at an individual connected with the party that has the policing/justice portfolio.
The heartbeat of policing and justice in a democratic society is transparency. How can we guarantee that transparency if those with very personal and potentially embarrassing vested interests are also in control of the key departments? The Secretary of State and Prime Minister risk destabilising and maybe even toppling the Executive Committee if they insist on pushing through this aspect of devolution too early.
I must also stress that the Ulster Unionist Party will not be bailing out the DUP and Sinn Fein by participating in some artificial ministerial position. We have already seen too much carve-up and compromise by the Chuckle Brothers as they try to disguise the fact that they are morphing into the Fudge Family.
Review and Reform of UUP
After ten long months of road shows, an emergency EGM, and about a dozen or so meetings of our Executive Committee, we have finally completed our Review of the party. Every aspect of how we do our business has been examined. Every facet of our communications, electioneering, selection, internal discipline, representation and presentation has been looked at.
We have unanimously endorsed a series of Standing Orders, Party Rules and Association structures. We are transforming ourselves from an umbrella organisation into a modern, effective and relevant political machine.
It won’t mean an overnight return to the top. There remains a huge task before us. But what I have discovered over the past ten months is that there remains a rock-solid grassroots core of members who are proud of this party and determined to get it back on its feet and back to business again.
The UUP has been good for Northern Ireland; and good for the Union. While others took the easy options and found somewhere safe to shelter, we led from the front. We faced down internal and external opponents and we championed the Union and unionism—often acting alone.
The DUP may claim to have delivered something better: they may claim to have got it right. But we seem to have ended up with the same Agreement and same structures, albeit with far more Sinn Fein representation than when we were the lead party of unionism!
Ian Paisley and Peter Robinson have spent 25 years undermining the UUP. They spent from 1997 to March 2007 undermining our efforts to push Sinn Fein towards democracy and the IRA towards decommissioning. Yet today, Dr Paisley is Tweedledum to Martin McGuiness’ Tweedledee. And as I see it, Peter is busily working away in the background to shove the boss into the wings so that he can have his moment in the spotlight!
But having been the bridesmaid since 1979 he now seems willing to enter into a civil partnership with Martin. But Peter, be careful what you wish for—you may end up with Caitriona Ruane as your sidekick!
As a party we have had our difficulties. But I have never ever doubted that there is a continuing need and role for the Ulster Unionist Party. That’s why we embarked upon the review. That’s why we finished the review. That’s why we will implement the review.
We will build this party from the grassroots up. We will enhance its credibility, and make it an even more attractive alternative to the DUP. We will reach right across the electorate to win back old votes and win over new votes.
The Lesson of Dromore
We proved that with hard work on the ground and enthusiastic campaign teams we could steady our core vote.
Along with that was our belief that we could win against the odds and against the predictions.
And we kept our seat.
That’s the primary lesson to learn from Dromore.
The DUP say that we won because of transfers! That’s the whole point of transfers, Peter! Indeed, I don’t remember the DUP complaining when it was UUP transfers which pushed some of their MLAs over the winning line last March!
And let’s be quite frank. The rate of transfers from the TUV and Alliance wouldn’t have mattered all that much had we not secured almost 25% of first preference votes.
The DUP expected us to lose that election. The media expected us to lose. There are only two golden rules in elections:
• Win a seat
• Do better than expected (even if you don’t win)
We did better than expected. We won the seat. Dromore was a good day for the UUP; but we have to ensure that it is only the first of a series of good days.
The Role of the UUP
I accept that there is a very strong case for Opposition in the Assembly. The DUP failed to deliver the individual and collective accountability they promised.
But there is no provision for a formal and funded Opposition in the present structures. No finance available for research purposes. No mechanisms for channelling Opposition legislation or recognising Opposition spokesmen. In other words, there is no such thing as the Official Opposition: and therefore no role for an Opposition party.
There is no-one in the DUP, or Sinn Fein—or indeed any other party—that I would wish to see in the post of Health Minister or even at DEL! There is an important job to be done in both those areas and I think that we are the best party to do that job.
But we will not be suffocated by any Executive line. And we will not be bound by any DUP/SF DUP carve-up of office. Rather we want to see a genuine power-sharing administration.
We reserve the right to challenge every aspect of every policy. And we ask the members of our relevant committees to challenge every aspect of every policy we present. Where we think something is wrong, ill-considered, not properly costed or unlikely to succeed, we will say so. And we will seek to create a consensus around alternatives.
On the wider stage we will produce and promote a raft of socio-economic policies geared towards meeting the needs of a modern, vibrant, economically attractive Northern Ireland.
We will remind people of our roots, legacy and achievements. This party created Northern Ireland and we secured the Union under appallingly difficult circumstances.
One of our urgent tasks is to help rebuild the economy of Northern Ireland. A weak economy leaves unionism politically vulnerable. It is in our long term interests to keep growth and prosperity at the top of the agenda. This will lead to stability, a more rewarding life for all, and the ability to look our fellow citizens in the rest of the UK in the eye and say that we are making our contribution to the economic wellbeing of the entire British economy. We will only be able to thwart nationalism in England, Scotland and Wales if we are strong and moving towards self sufficiency.
We will build relationships with pro-Union parties and interest groups across the United Kingdom and jointly fight to protect and promote the constitutional integrity of the UK—against the independence tendencies in Scotland, Wales, England and Northern Ireland; and also against a Euro project which threatens to impose an unnecessary and sovereignty-destroying constitution upon us.
But above and beyond all else we will ensure that the pro-Union electorate has a pro-Union party they can be proud of.
• A party that unambiguously champions the Union rather than a “little Ulster”
• A party that promotes power-sharing rather than party-political self-interest
• A party that promotes values based on an inclusive vision rather than values fuelled by fear and sectarian head-counts
• A party that promotes a Northern Ireland at peace with itself and secure in the United Kingdom.
That party is the Ulster Unionist Party.
An Ulster Unionist Party back on its feet; back in business; and ready to deliver once again.
E-mail March 3rd, 2008
Alex Benjamin
Commenting on Paisley and Ahern’s visit to Ballymena, Cllr Mark Cosgrove, the UUP Trade and Tourism Spokesperson commented “As someone who predicated Paisleys political u turn several years before it actually happened, even I was astounded by the recent event in Ballymena between Paisley and Ahern. Why do we need a foreign politician to helicopter in to Northern Ireland to open a fantastic new facility? Is the first minister of Northern Ireland not now able to do anything without Sinn Fein or the Irish Governments involvement? Even using Sinn Feins language in referring to Northern Ireland as “the North of Ireland”. The so called “joke” about how he had previously snow balled a visiting Irish Premier did not make me laugh but instead think about the previous 40 years and the sheer wasted opportunities to create a normal society that he successfully scuppered. The speeches of intolerance, the polarisation of the Unionist people, the Lundy’s and the traitors. Now we find that non of these things were ever based on deep seated beliefs, however unpalatable they may have been to most secular Unionists. Having split Unionism, The Presbyterian Church and the Loyal Orders the events of the last few months have shown us all that we could have moved society on so many decades ago, and all it seems Paisley really cared about was getting to the top of the political ladder. The progressive forces within Unionism over those 4 decades can scarcely believe let alone understand all of this but the real losers were the long suffering people of Our Wee Country for whom real progress towards peace and stability could have commenced many, many years ago. Now isn’t that ironic, don’t you think ?”
Continue Reading E-mail February 6th, 2008
Alex Benjamin
Dear Letters Editor,
Regrettably,it is becoming clear that Northern Ireland has been left with a costly legacy following former Secretary of State Peter Hain’s blackmail strategy leading up to the devolution deal in May 2007 by the DUP and Sinn Fein. The fact that Hain was successful shows the weakened state of the Union under the DUP as the lead party in Unionism.
Continue Reading E-mail January 31st, 2008
Alex Benjamin
My thanks to all of you for coming today; and my thanks, too, to those of you who came along to the EGM last night.
The grassroots are the backbone of the Ulster Unionist Party and I know that it hasn’t always been easy being a member of this party over the last ten years.
Membership is voluntary and it takes a certain type of person to raise the funds, knock the doors, keep the branches going and supply the footsoldiers at election after election. I thank them, and I thank you ladies and gentlemen, for keeping this party alive during the very darkest days.
I must pay tribute as well to our public representatives, at Westminster, Europe, Assembly and local council level. Again, because of reduced numbers, a large burden has been placed on their collective shoulders. I am grateful to them for their loyalty and commitment.
In particular, we owe a debt of gratitude to Sylvia Hermon who, along with her colleagues in the Lords, has continued to fly the flag for Ulster Unionism in Parliament against considerable personal and political odds.
And let me not forget our employees: those in HQ, in the Assembly and in our constituency offices. They tend to be forgotten on occasion, but they are often the unsung heroes of our party.
The UUP has weathered many storms since 1905. We created Northern Ireland and we have sustained Northern Ireland. We have never blinked first and we have never allowed the cause of the Union to go undefended.
My ambition, as Leader, is to ensure that our grassroots, our representatives and our staff, are bound together in a re-energized, re-invigorated party, which will see our collective efforts and renewed commitment rewarded with political success and electoral recovery.”
Continue Reading E-mail October 29th, 2007
Sir Reg Empey MLA
Mr President, Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen.
Can I say a very big thank you to our panellists here this afternoon who have given us much to think about on the back of their own personal experiences with the National Health Service. To Brian, Patricia, Paula and Mary my sincere thanks and appreciation for giving up your time.
And a special word of thanks to Robert Coulter who chaired the session. Robert is our spokesperson on health matters at Stormont and together with John Mc Callister our Party voice is always heard at the Health committee and in the chamber during the many health related debates. As Minister, I want to thank them for their support.
As we have been hearing the National Health Service has come a long way since its inception in 1948. Sixty years ago times were very different. Our country was emerging from six years of world war and had just elected a new government. The concept of a national health service free at the point of delivery to all may have been viewed as a bold step at the time but one we give thanks for today.
So whilst a Labour Government may have been responsible for one of the greatest political achievements in the twentieth century, let’s not forget that our Party, the Ulster Unionist Party, played a key role in creating the National Health Service in Northern Ireland. It was William Grant MP who was the first Minister for Health in Northern Ireland and over the last sixty years many other people, including William Morgan and William Craig followed in his footsteps. Today, I stand here as the Minister for Health, Social Services and Public Safety – a position I am very honoured to hold. I have greatly enjoyed the last five months in office. There have been many challenges but we are already making a real difference.
In June, I confirmed the siting of the new acute hospital for the South West in Enniskillen which will be open in 2011. I also confirmed that a new enhanced local hospital will be built in Omagh and open in 2012. Now I recognise that there has been concern around Omagh over the future of health services in the town so to avoid any confusion let me reiterate my commitment that there will be a 24 hour Doctor led Urgent Care and Treatment Centre at the Tyrone County Hospital. I am also confident that in the near future further investment will be made in the Ambulance service in the west and I look forward to the conclusion of the consultation on the possibility of a midwife led maternity unit in Omagh.”
Continue Reading E-mail October 28th, 2007
Michael McGimpsey MLA
At long last, after 35 years of assorted negotiations, we have a government with local Ministers representing us at all levels. We must congratulate Dr Paisley on taking the brave and unexpected step to a new era of co-operation in politics. In many respects the St Andrew’s Agreement is indistinguishable from the 1998 original so heavily lambasted by the DUP. He may claim it’s a better and fairer deal—I’m not so sure.
The DUP are purporting that all is rosy for Unionism. The reality is that while the Dr Paisley may seem to have skilfully led the DUP into a deal with which it is not naturally comfortable, he has also taken unionism into a strategic cul-de-sac in which the room for manoeuvre is extremely limited.
Peter Hain’s very personal and very draconian form of direct rule brought political blackmail to the level of an art form, with its threats of increased domestic and industrial rates and the removal of academic selection. Water rates bills were ready to be posted, seven super councils (supported by Sinn Fein) were pending, along with tighter planning rules and tighter funding in all areas. The sole object of this blackmail was to “persuade” the DUP into Government with Sinn Fein. The very fact that the tactic worked, showed just how little influence the DUP could exert; and it also demonstrated the weakened state of the Union itself.
We now have an added threat posed by the rise of nationalism in Scotland and Wales. Dr Paisley seems remarkably comfortable with the leaders of nationalist movements across the United Kingdom and Ireland. He is also comfortable with his own version of little-Ulster nationalism, happier to promote the “ourselves alone” version of unionism rather than an overarching pan-UK unionism.
It all begs the question why could we not have had power sharing 33 years ago with constitutional nationalists, a question Dr Paisley has yet to answer? It was Paisley himself who fanned the flames on numerous occasions, encouraging increased divisions and sectarianism. Bigotry remains endemic in Northern Ireland due to a process of polarisation of politics practiced by both the DUP and Sinn Fein for their own party political ends. Hardly surprising, I suppose, that they are now top dogs in their own packs and able to bark their supposed triumphs to their own followers. They may have done well from the spoils of office; sadly though, the same is not true for the province as a whole.
And what happened to the financial package promised by the tough, “no push-over” DUP? Newly appointed Finance Minister, Peter Robinson, is preparing a budget that will impose cuts across most departments and put many projects on the back-burner.The DUP’s relative failure to obtain a substantial financial package linked to the return of devolution highlights their impotence when faced with the political clout of the Sovereign government.
But times change, that’s politics, and we must move on,we in UUP welcome the DUP’s conversion to real politics. In their ministerial roles we see them working the system ,let’s hope that with no extra money available they can make the departmental efficiency savings necessary to release funds to other priority areas.
Meanwhile,the UUP’s new objectives clause includes the objective to promote and strengthen the Union. It is vital we ensure that the fundamental principles and philosophy of Unionism are not threatened further. We fought successfully for parity with equal rights as equal citizens in the United Kingdom. We will continue to press for a Royal Commission into the future of the Union, for above all else we must participate and contribute to the Union and gain and build friendships within and throughout the United Kingdom.
Continue Reading E-mail October 26th, 2007
John Andrews
Speaking to the North Lurgan Branch of Upper Bann UUP tonight, a sceptical UUP Leader Sir Reg Empey said he would approach talks with the DUP in good faith but cast doubt over the merits of the UUP subsuming into the DUP.
Sir Reg said,
“Eoghan Harris raised a few eyebrows at the Reform Club last Friday, when he argued in favour of a merger between the UUP and DUP.
Never let it be said that the UUP expects our guests to toe the line and say only what we want to hear!
But he did raise some points that need to be addressed.
The timing of the invitation from Nigel Dodd’s to the UUP’s Officers, for talks with the DUP (an invitation that Eoghan regarded as an encouraging development) was interesting:
It came late on that Friday afternoon, when it was becoming clear that there could be a major difficulty for Dr. Paisley at that night’s meeting of his free Presbyterian ruling council.
It came on the same day that rumours were circulating that Jim Allister and others were preparing to set up a vehicle for disaffected DUP members and supporters.
The news of the invitation was released to the media before I had time to read it.
And let us not forget that the DUP knows that this party is in the final stages of an internal review and reform exercise. I had to bear in mind that they were possibly throwing a spanner into our works, holding out the prospect of accommodation and pact at the very time we were preparing to re-launch ourselves.
But taking all of that into consideration, the leadership team of the Ulster Unionist Party decided to test the bona fides of the DUP and what they had to offer for unionism and the Union. But let no-one kid themselves that this is some sort of launching pad for unionist unity at this stage.
The previous and best time for unionist co-operation was in the 1996-1998 period, when the Belfast Agreement was being negotiated. It would have been so much better had the DUP stayed on board at that stage – particularly in light of the fact that they are more or less in precisely the position that the UUP negotiated almost alone. I heard no talk of pacts and co-operation in March of this year, when the DUPs only agenda seemed to be the destruction of Ulster Unionists and the accommodation of Sinn Fein.
So it is tempting to draw the conclusion that the DUP – which has quite a few problems on its plate at the moment – regards inter-unionist co-operation now as a means to a particular end; namely entrenching its own dominance at our expense.
It is interesting too to note the receptive noises of Jeffrey Donaldson, one of the people responsible for so much internal damage to the UUP!
As Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, I need to bear in mind also that there tens of thousands within the pro-Union community who never have, or maybe never will, vote for the DUP.”
Continue Reading E-mail October 3rd, 2007
Sir Reg Empey MLA
Responding to increasing speculation that a new Unionist Party is to be formed to oppose the DUP and Sinn Fein’s Power-Sharing arrangement, Kenny Donaldson, an Ulster Unionist Party Officer has stated:
“Many Unionists of my parent’s generation will feel a deep sense of deja-vu. The reality is that Unionism started internally dividing itself when the present First Minister, Dr Paisley and others decided they neither had the stomach, nor the political or civic responsibility to face up to the challenges of accommodating nationalism within an internal political settlement. 30 years later and the penny still hasn’t dropped for some people.
“Let’s be clear; we have the sectarian carve up that we have because people refused to share responsibility for the governing of Northern Ireland decades ago. Furthermore, the terrorist campaign of the PIRA and so-called ‘loyalist’ terrorists were major factors in instilling deep hatred and mistrust between our respective communities. This cocktail of factors meant that no political settlement was deliverable here for a generation.”
Kenny added: “In the run up to 1998 and for the 7/8 years thereafter, the DUP and Sinn Fein set about destroying the centre-ground, fuelled by their own selfish agendas they sought to bring about the conditions, which ensured our Country was carved up between the ‘prods’ and the ‘taigs.’ Despite the fact that this reality has come to pass I am confident that in the medium-long term, the public do not want their children to grow up in a society where there is mutual loathing between the principle protagonists charged with delivering Government. Forget about the amicable photographs, the mutual nods of agreement, the stomach-churning camaraderie on show between the ‘chuckle brothers’ and their respective merry men and women. This is but self-serving spin and mutually constructed choreography.”
Kenny continued: “Unionism collectively needs to realise that fracturing does nothing to assist the aims of promoting the Union. Yes that’s right, I use the word ‘promoting’ because the Union is already ‘protected’ by the enshrined principle of consent which Ulster Unionists negotiated and won in the run up to the 1998 Belfast Agreement.
“My core objective is to see the Ulster Unionist Party rebuild itself so that it can go forth and deliver for the people of Northern Ireland. I do not see the introduction of a new Unionist Party as advantageous. Do people really believe that Sinn Fein can be removed from Stormont at this stage? The parameters of our political settlement have been set, principally by the UK Government and supported by the Government of the Irish Republic, people need to get real; they need to deliver positive change for the people of Northern Ireland within the realms of possibility. For too long politicians in Northern Ireland sought power, now they have it but they need to realise that with power, comes responsibility,” concluded Kenny.
Continue Reading E-mail September 21st, 2007
Kenny Donaldson
Speaking in the Assembly on a motion condemning all attacks on Orange Halls and calling on all political parties to use their influence to stop such sectarian attacks, UUP Newry and Armagh MLA Danny Kennedy said,
“I welcome this important debate and at the outset, I am proud to confirm that I am a member of the Orange Order from County Armagh.
It cannot have escaped the attention of everyone in this Assembly that this motion is being debated on 9/11, the anniversary of the appalling attacks on the USA, which ushered in a new and terrible age of world terrorism. This new age of terrorism began at a time when we thought our own terrorist troubles were coming to a close.
The very clear evidence of continuing sectarian bigotry, which manifests itself in attacks on Orange Halls is so unacceptable. Attacks on Orange Halls represent an attempt by Republicans to intimidate, bully and threaten the Unionist and Protestant cultural tradition, and they are entirely out of place in an age and under a new dispensation when all cultural traditions should be mutually respected and equally valued. It is the policy of “Brits Out” taken to one of its most extreme forms. That is just not on.
There must be no tolerance shown towards the people who carry out these attacks. It doesn’t take much common sense to see that these attacks could cost us some of the prosperity this Province is entitled to after so many long, hard years of conflict. We must not and cannot allow the mindless cave men and women who carry out such attacks any opportunity to jeopardise the relative peace we now enjoy. Their actions have no place in a decent society.
That is why there is no reason to protect the people who carry out these attacks. They are dangerous people and they need to be apprehended, caught and convicted and jailed for a long term. Communities must not shield them and republican political leaders must demonstrate their credibility as peacemakers by using every effort to have those responsible handed over to the lawful authorities – the PSNI.
Continue Reading E-mail September 11th, 2007
Danny Kennedy MLA
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